In 2007, she was appointed Deputy First Minister and Cabinet Secretary for Health and Wellbeing, until she took over the party in 2014. Throughout her career she has won several ‘Scottish Politician of the Year’ awards and in 2016 was recognised by Forbes magazine as one of the top 50 ‘most powerful women in the world’ – also finishing 2nd in the UK. Our team have extensive expertise in supporting women-owned businesses to thrive. As business owners, mentors and investors, we have helped businesses to develop and commercialise their ideas, leverage resources and grow. Working with other partner organisations, we are on our way to boosting Scotland’s economy. As noted, the Scottish Parliament has equal opportunities as one of its founding principles, has a standing Equal Opportunities Committee, and there is an Equality Unit within the civil service.
- Another well-known event of passive agitation was the boycott of the 1911 census.
- As Keating has commented, the voluntary sector has been a gainer from devolution.
- Healthcare Improvement Scotland leads this work on behalf of the Scottish Government.
- After 1954, Joan Eardley spent increasing amounts of time in the Scottish coastal village of Catterline, which inspired her celebrated land- and seascapes.
Kelly Macdonald is a Scottish actress, known for her roles in the films Trainspotting , Gosford Park , Intermission , Nanny McPhee , Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows – Part 2 and Brave . The relationship with the ancient Celts and the Vikings could not affect the appearance of Scots, it is shown in features, in color a hair and an eye.
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The article examines political parties’ track records in promoting women candidates, and comments on the careers of women politicians. The article argues that the increase in women’s representation in recent decades is attributable to the efforts of women activists, and to the specific strategies adopted by parties to achieve this. It also argues that the Scottish Parliament has significantly extended opportunities for women to participate in political decision-making and in policy-making. Of the women ministers in the first Scottish Executive, no-one had previous experience of elected office, and not only had the challenge of https://cupidbrides.com/scottish-brides/ learning how to run government departments, but also encountered difficulties with senior male civil servants, and much sexism from the media . However, they drew support from networks in the trade union movement, women’s organisations and community groups. Some of those interviewed by Dalgety and Phillips made explicit their feminist beliefs, as they did in the Scottish Parliament. The national strategy on domestic abuse and support for refuge provision was seen as a significant achievement, but women ministers also saw themselves as implementing female-friendly social policies in transport, community justice, and childcare.
This overview of Scottish women’s parliamentary representation is structured around several questions, addressed by both historians and political scientists. It provides a statistical summary of candidates, MPs, MSPs, and party affiliations, complementing previous work, and tracks incremental gains in women’s representation over time. Each section, firstly on the UK Parliament, and, secondly, on the Scottish Parliament, discusses candidates, women voters, parties’ records of getting women elected, political careers, and whether women politicians have acted to further ‘women’s interests’. In conclusion, the article outlines key factors underlying the growth in women’s representation, and suggests areas for future investigation.
In noble households some received a private education and some female literary figures emerged from the seventeenth century. Religion may have been particularly important as a means of expression for women and from the seventeenth century women may have had greater opportunities for religious participation in movements outside of the established kirk. Women had very little legal status at the beginning of the period, unable to act as witnesses or legally responsible for their own actions. From the mid-sixteenth century they were increasingly criminalised, with statutes allowing them to be prosecuted for infanticide and as witches. Seventy-five per cent of an estimated 6,000 individuals prosecuted for witchcraft between 1563 and 1736 were women and perhaps 1,500 were executed. As a result, some historians have seen this period as characterised by increasing concern with women and attempts to control and constrain them.
Concerns over this threat to male authority were exemplified by John Knox’s The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstruous Regiment of Women , which advocated the deposition of all reigning queens. Most of the political nation took a pragmatic view of the situation, accepting Mary as queen, but the strains that this paradox created may have played a part in the later difficulties of the reign.
The 1950s remain a relatively unexplored decade of women’s political history in Scotland, but it is likely there are some continuities and connections to be found with the feminism of earlier and later decades. In a similar way, the activism of the 1970s provided the groundwork for the shift to demanding greater representation in formal politics, whether in local government, Westminster, or the Scottish Parliament. The participation of feminist activists in the devolution campaign also drew in other women, inside and outside of parties, who would not themselves have been of the WLM generation. In a similar way, the more recent debates about women’s participation in formal politics that was generated around the independence referendum of 2014 drew in new groups of activists, who would not necessarily have had a connection to previous feminist organisations or campaigns. Furthermore, although often connected to wider GB/UK or international networks, it has been at local and Scottish level that women have built organisations, campaigns and networks to advance their aims. This has been not least because of the degree of administrative devolution already existing prior to 1999 and the need for separate Scottish legislation in many areas, even before the Scottish Parliament existed.
However, she came back to become the first British woman to win gold in the 1500 metres at the 2018 European Indoor Championships a few months later, a title which she retained the following year. In 2018 Muir also made the headlines by breaking the long-standing British indoor mile record, shaving 5 seconds off the 31-year old record. She is the youngest woman to summit both sides of Mount Everest and in 2019 became the first woman ever to ski solo to the South Pole. With her recent, amazing successes, Molly is the perfect person to chat to as we celebrate Scotland’s amazing women. Better known as her social handle (@lesswastelaura), Laura is a Scotland-based environmental activist and TedX speaker.
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From 1923 onwards, Scots MPs always included a woman, generally with several serving at any one time. However, in 1979, Scotswomen’s representation at Westminster dropped to a sole woman MP, Judith Hart, Labour MP for Lanark. Numbers rose slowly thereafter, with 1997 representing a breakthrough, when 12 women MPs were elected. The high point was the 2015 election, when 20 women MPs were elected from Scotland.
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They range from Mabel Pryde Nicholson, who was born in 1871, to Pat Douthwaite, who was born in 1934 . TourismIHG, parent company of the Holiday Inn Express brand of budget hotels, has admitted that a “lapse in standards” led to a pair of underwear going undetected. JusticeKenneth Divers, 77, is being brought back to face court proceedings after being arrested by Vietnamese authorities on Tuesday at the request of Police Scotland. HomelessnessGlasgow’s Alexander Thomson Hotel, which is part of GDB Hotels group, saw a wave of drug-related deaths. Missing peoplePolice say Anekah Wissinger, 14, was last seen near Buchanan Galleries at around 3.15pm on Tuesday when she left her parents to get food from a local shop. Huge congratulations from all at scottishathletics to two worthy winners, who have both put many hours of hard work in their respective fields into the sport. Most of her spare time is dedicated to athletics, she sits on SSAA committee, Peer Groups for Field and Start Team, and takes the time to mentor new officials.
Margaret Shuttleworth and her husband Henry had been married for 15 years and ran the Hope Inn in Montrose but accounts of their volatile relationship offered to the court during her trial for his murder highlighted Margaret’s neglect of her expected duties as a wife. She was accused of being regularly drunk and “outrageous with her tongue”, often cursing and swearing at her husband.
(The first, Robert McIntyre, only lasted three months.) When she arrived at Parliament, policemen escorted her through a crowd of supporters waving saltires. She studied at The Herkomer School in Bushey, Hertfordshire, where she met her husband, the artist William Nicholson. They had four children and Nicholson paid them modest fees to sit for her as domestic responsibilities permitted. She exhibited in group shows in London but her career was cut short by an early death during the Spanish influenza epidemic of 1918. Scottish women differ not only by facial features, but the manner of dress, character, behavior style. Generally it is the educated and well-mannered women, girls independent on nature, purposeful. Scotswomen by appearance wish to emphasize the nobility of their origin and their proximity to the legendary ancestors.
It provides a different angle from which to view the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century wife and mother and, crucially, reveals the varied responses to women who violated these roles through murder. It will first investigate the women capitally convicted for the crime of homicide. From a reading of the valuable information offered in the court records and in the newspapers, it will examine the importance of the victim, and the motive and method of killing in shaping responses to these women. The second section will provide an in-depth exploration of the crime of infanticide as, in over two thirds of the total homicide cases that resulted in a capital conviction, the victim was the woman’s own child. Again, the crime has gender-specific resonances and an exploration of these cases can be used as a lens into wider issues surrounding motherhood and illegitimacy. The third and final section of the chapter will provide an examination of the punishment of women convicted for property offences in this period. However, in the small number of cases that did result in an execution, it is possible to discern particular factors that led certain women to the scaffold, notably if they were repeat offenders.
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The organisation that I visited in Glasgow works with men specifically; it might be the only organisation in Scotland that does that on FGM, although it might be one of two. Have you or the Scottish Government specifically considered the role of men? It struck me on that visit that individual after individual told me that they were not aware that FGM was an issue in their family until they were well into adulthood—until they were 30, 40 or sometimes even older. It really struck me, and it got me thinking about how that specific issue could be addressed. That is wider than the scope of the bill, but I am happy to hear some of that. You will know that FGM has been an illegal practice for more than 10 years.
- So, if you want to honor your family’s Scots heritage, or you’re simply looking for a unique baby name for your little lass, choosing a Scottish girl name is a great choice.
- Statutory authorities sometimes need the support of people who work in communities.
- Later major figures included Lady Elizabeth Wardlaw (1627–1727) and Lady Grizel Baillie (1645–1746).
- I am glad that Andrea Bradley mentioned professional learning.
- Labour is delighted to support the principles of the bill and will vote for it at stage 3.
If we are to have a law that is effective, it is important that people in communities that are likely to be affected know about it, and also that children know about it, and know how to access their rights. As I said earlier, we have seen examples of it in the context of other legislation and civil orders such as forced marriage protection orders and domestic abuse interdicts. In our written evidence, we said that we do not see that as necessary.
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The other thing that has come across in the work that we have done with women is that routine inquiry of any form of abuse has to be couched in such a way that it makes sense to the person who is being asked about it. Moving the guidance on to a statutory basis would give it more weight among professionals and ensure that it has wider reach than it has at the moment. The idea of speaking to women about abuse https://cupidbrides.com/scottish-brides could be highlighted in the guidance. When we pulled our guidance together, we consulted women from various communities on the language that should be used in the guidance, and on how we should reflect how those women want to be spoken to about FGM. That was not just about whether we call it “cutting” or “circumcision”; it was more about the atmosphere and circumstances in which we ask about the subject.
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Earlier, Elaine Smith powerfully quoted the personal testimony of Neneh Bojang. As the minister said in her opening remarks, if the bill prevents just one woman from going through the trauma of FGM, it will have been worth while. It is crucial that the voices of women and communities are at the very heart of engagement and—in particular—the development of statutory guidance. The experts are those with lived experience, and we need to make an enduring commitment to survivors that participation and engagement are on-going, and not a one-off event. That approach is absolutely essential to minimise the risk of stigmatisation and even racialisation, as expressed by some committee witnesses. My amendments to the Female Genital Mutilation Bill shaped the eventual legislation such that it became a criminal offence in Scotland for FGM to be carried out on all women and girls. I served on the Equal Opportunities Committee when the Labour-led Administration introduced the Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Bill.
In respect of the fear that that would drive the practice underground, I say that it is already underground. If there were a shop that people could go to for FGM, we would know that it was not underground, but that is not the case. That is very much the opinion of women who are survivors of FGM. They want the practice to stop and they think that one way that that could happen is much tougher sentencing.
Although they are helpful, is it usual practice to have such diagrams and explanations in the submissions to committees? Maybe it is usual practice to explain the issue in that way. I accept the point, but my research comes from the perspective of how the system can create an experience of marginalisation and racialisation. It may not intend that to happen, but that comes from its approach to specific issues, however it is intended to function. Because of those issues, we have to be extremely careful about what we do in this area. For the avoidance of doubt, I echo what my colleagues have said about the use of the law as a tool in preventing and combating FGM. Our view is that we require a broader focus on creating broader change and the law is only one tool in that process.
It is safe to say that the standard operating procedures, guidance and information on FGM are universally available through our intranet, but there is also specific, bespoke and concentrated training for those who will be working in this area. In relation to targeting, we have also heard evidence about concerns over possible racial profiling. It should be similar to what we have in relation to the forced marriage protection orders. No; I think that protection orders will be seen as a protective measure and as being about—I think that the word was used earlier—empowerment. From a survivor’s or a victim’s point of view, they will have a protection order, which means that the responsibility is not all on them. The protection order comes in to prevent FGM from occurring in the first place. To be perfectly honest, the criminalisation of the breach of an order is only a good thing.
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